Yassamine Mather calls for international solidarity with Iranian workers
Over the last two weeks the number of strikes in Iranian factories and workplaces has risen considerably. Workers have taken action in major plants such as South Pars Gasfields, Alborz Lastic Sazi, Ghaem Shahr textiles, Safa Louleh (pipe manufacturers), as have city council workers in Abadan. Demands have also been raised by nurses and other hospital workers, teachers and civil servants.
Some of the most important oil and gas plants have been hit, as well as key manufacturing industries. In other words, both the traditional and modern sectors. In addition to these strikes, we have also seen the first protests by retired workers opposed to a reduction in price concessions for pensioners, reduced from 15% to 9%. Retired employees demonstrated outside the majles (Islamic parliament). In some ways this was as important as the strikes by workers in employment.
How should we analyse the fact that so many workers’ protests have occurred simultaneously? Is it just a coincidence? Of course, it is impossible to predict how things will evolve, but, given the level of repression against workers and the left, these events mark a significant development in the current stage of economic and political struggles inside Iran. So what are the factors behind this new wave of labour unrest?
There is no doubt that sanctions are creating widespread economic devastation, to a degree that is unprecedented over the last 30 years. The drop in the price of oil on the world market, the reduction of production levels for both oil and gas (itself a result of the failure to renew productive capacity), the fall in non-oil exports, bankruptcies and closures in production and manufacturing, the rise in the rate of inflation in housing and essential goods, the plunder of the country’s economic resources through the expropriation of privatised industries and services by factions of the regime, the colossal rise in the price of medical services and drugs – all this points to an escalation of the economic and social crisis.
By November 9, long queues were forming at petrol stations, as motorists expecting a 400% price rise were trying to fill up their tanks. But low-paid workers are the main victims of the current situation. According to an employee of Ghaem Shahr Textile Industries, many of his colleagues have been forced to remove their children from education (both high school and university) so that they can feed their families on the meagre income from their temporary jobs.
Many small and medium-sized firms have already been bankrupted. However, what we are witnessing now is the effects of the crisis on some of the country’s major industrial units, exposing the extent of the problems facing the whole economy. In the past the Islamic regime could rely on oil income and unbridled imports to deal with the demand for basic consumption goods. But now the ruling elite is faced with two important problems: a fall in the price of oil and a regime of suffocating sanctions.
The new round of sanctions has not only made it difficult to import many items, leading to spiralling price rises for most goods: it has also become a serious political weapon threatening the survival of the regime. The regime cannot ignore the problems of production in major industries and this has given the workers in such plants an opportunity to raise demands regarding wages and working conditions.
All this has occurred at a time when the government has been pushing through the abolition of price subsidies – or promoting ‘targeted subsidies’, as it prefers to say. Despite threats to punish shopkeepers who increase prices charged for essential goods, such as bread, meat, sugar, cooking oil and dairy produce, prices for these items are rising daily. Compared to last year, the cost of bread is likely to have increased five or six times by the end of this Iranian month, while cooking oil will have more than doubled and cuts of lamb tripled.
This week, after months of denial, Iran’s Central Bank admitted the true extent of the rise in the rate of inflation. Statistics issued by the bank and other government organisations, including for the cost of living, are given in dollars, even though Iranian workers are paid in tomans (1,000 tomans = one dollar). Last week the price of imported meat in Tehran supermarkets was $30 a kilo – more than in most stores in London or New York. The average wage is $400 a month.
We should not forget that the removal of subsidies on essential food items was part of a $100 billion cuts programme; an integral component of the regime’s adherence to neoliberal economic policies under the terms of its five-year plan. However, uncertainty over the changes was one of the factors behind a $6 billion slide in the value of Tehran’s stock exchange two weeks ago, with trade volume plummeting 63% and share prices dropping by 43% in just one week.
All this will inevitably lead to increased unemployment. Official figures put Iran’s jobless rate at 14.6%. However, this is far below the true figure. The government of president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has revised the definition of what constitutes unemployment a number of times. Currently someone doing just one hour of paid work per week is not considered unemployed. But no-one doubts that for many the prospect of finding a job is non-existent.
The government’s fear of food riots following the abolition of subsidies is so real that even before the deadline for full implementation it stationed special military units in poor districts to ‘maintain security’ – in other words, prepare for potential confrontation with the masses. The police presence in Tehran and other cities was also increased and many were deployed on major streets and outside supermarkets. Meanwhile, the Revolutionary Guards’ Tehran commander announced that a special task force has been formed to deal with any economic protests. On November 8, several underground rap musicians were arrested in Tehran, and last week hundreds of young men and women were detained in what the police termed a “security cleansing”. The press has been warned to steer clear of any controversial coverage of the subsidy cuts.
In working class districts, everyone is clearly worried about Ahmadinejad’s plans for ‘reforming’ the economy. Of course, a combination of workers’ protests and riots in shanty towns would be a nightmare for the Islamic regime, but the key element is the strength and organisation of the working class. Given the weakness of the left, we cannot expect the working class to be in a position to take full advantage of the current situation. However, there is no doubt that in these exceptional times the success of the shanty towns struggles, the defeat of the abolition of subsidies and the struggles of pensioners all depend on the proletariat.
As in 1979, Iranian workers are in a position to make their mark in the fight against poverty and exploitation and for democracy. In pursuing these goals they need international solidarity and it is part of the role of Hands Off the People of Iran to mobilise such support.
On Sunday 31st October the government announced the dissolution of Iran’s University of Medical Sciences. After the massive shock, student have organised protests with growing militancy and numbers. They have taken part in a sit in protest in opposition to the closures. Whilst some students will be able to attend Tehran’s Medical Science faculty, many will not have spaces. The attack on medical students is similar to those taking place against humanities students in a clear and organised attempt to undermine the politicisation of students in Tehran.
Below are a couple of videos from the last three days:
Below is a speech given by an Iranian worker activist Behrooz Khabaz on 22/10/2010 in Sweden at meeting in solidarity with Iranian workers and organising support for imprisoned activist Mahmood Salehi.
Greetings friends and comrades
In this speech first of all I am going to discuss to the general situation of workers in Iran and then I will talk about the role of worker activists inside and outside of Iran and their connection with the workers movement in Iran.
As you know, since long ago, the capitalist regime of Iran, has started a broad invasion to the working conditions and subsistence level of workers in Iran, it was started by the fifth Period of the Parliament and continued and became more prominent during Khatami’s presidential time, and it is going on more severely now.
In this limited time, I will try to show the actual image of the workers life and work situation, based on what I have personally faced and witnessed, the workers Campaign particularly became more active after labor contracts mainly turned to be temporary contracts which gradually even transformed to white signed contracts (which allows the employer to decide for every thing in the contract and the worker is only signing a white paper!) also when contractor companies started to take over. These companies were mainly started in the period of President Hashemi Rafsanjani, with the goal of creating cheap labor, and making the government free from their obligations toward the workers, and until now we can see that these companies are growing.
Capitalist regime of Iran, relying on millions of jobless people, relying on low level of subsistence, relying on job insecurity and also relying on its militia force keeps suppressing the working class more and more. Employed workers, have a nightmare that constantly threatens them: to be fired or unemployed! So they keep on working with a monthly wage that could not even cover the expenses of ten days of their life, and the smallest protest will be responded by a brutal repression of the capitalist regime, so they work with any condition until they are dismissed from work, or the factory is shut down, could you believe that their basic request is that this little salary is not postponed for months? When they go on a strike it is usually to demand the wage that they have not been paied for months or even years!
and we know through all the sources the first reason of the workers protests in Iran is first of all for these unpaid salaries and then to dismissal and closure of the factory!
In my opinion, the basic demands of workers in Iran are: the increase of wage, job security and freedom of association and workers organization, but the Iranian capitalism using all means of oppression has succeeded to suppress the workers, to make them be conservatives not to loose their jobs…. Not to take part in their co workers protests and strikes, to work extra all the time to earn a bit more and try to find the second and even the third job!
Iran’s current regime, with this overwhelming pressure, deprives workers from reaching their most basic demands, prevents workers to organize and to be united with the other progressive social movements. It has even forced workers to make little workplaces inside their homes to be able to make a living!!!! In their houses all the family has to work to make stuff etc and sell it for a very little money just to be able to survive, the workers children usually cant keep on studying and have to drop out of school and work in the under workshops…..
Due to this sad picture of the lives of Iran’s working class, the role of workers activists in Iran in fueling the movement and taking it forward should be really appreciated. They have done so much in the past years to defend the working class such as: organizing the demonstrations of the May days, leading and supporting workers strikes and protests etc, although many workers activists have been arrested and threatened and mistreated by the state we have had successes such as: the organization of Tehran’s bus drivers, the organization of Haft Tape (sugar companies) etc.
Due to the actively of the pioneer worker activists, the voice of the Iranian working class is heard all over the world. We hope that the worker activists in Iran become more aware of the complications of class struggle in Iran and keep on with the struggle with the aim of: uniting the workers struggles making organizations of different types and being active in them and training new members and activists who could take over in case the leaders are imprisoned.
In the end I should mention the important roll of the worker activists who live in exile, the ones who are concerned about the workers movement inside Iran all the time, and they do not want to lead, but support this movement, and they prefer the benefits of the working class over any other benefit, these activists could do a great roll in supporting the movement and to encourage the workers organizations and movements in solidarity with the Iranian working class.
I found out about their hunger strike and the sewing of their lips while surfing through Facebook. It is as if Norwegian journalists have turned mute and they have shut their eyes. Until today there was no news on it in the mainstream Norwegian media.
The two asylum seekers claim that they have only been interviewed by one local paper so far, after the insistence of other Iranian asylum seekers. Even the one Norwegian reporter was threatened by camp authorities and was told that he has no right to talk to or take pictures of the two young Iranians.
On the same night, with the help of a friend, I obtained the phone number of someone who had information about these two young men. I found out that they live in a refugee camp in a remote northern town in Norway. A private company runs the camp.
Pejman Bahadori, who also lives in the refugee camp, arranged my interview for September 26th with Hamid Ghorbani, one of the two young asylum seekers. They have been on a dry hunger strike for the past six days, protesting the way their case is being investigated. They have also sewn their lips shut. Pejman says that Houshang, the other asylum seeker on hunger strike, has weakened from the hunger strike and is unable to leave his room. Of course Hamid was unable to talk either because his lips were sewn shut. We arranged the interview in a way so that I would ask the questions and Hamid would write down the responses for Pejman and he would read the responses to me over the phone. This is the way we conducted the interview, and at the end, I read the whole script to Hamid and he confirmed its accuracy.
The text of the conversation with Hamid Ghorbani, through Pejman Bahadori:
Question: Tell us about yourself
Answer: My name is Hamid Ghorbani and I am 29 years old. I was born in Tehran. I am a high school graduate and I have two daughters in Iran who are three and five years old. They are counting the days until I can give them the good news that my asylum application has been accepted.
I used to own a glassware shop in Tehran. I inherited the capital to open the shop from my father. I am the oldest son in the family. I have one brother and two sisters. Economically we were considered middle class. Currently my wife and two children are in Tehran and there is no one to take care of them.
Question: Why did you leave Iran?
Answer: I left Iran in the aftermath of the June 2009 demonstrations. In 2007 I was identified as one of the culprits who had set a gas station on fire. In June 2009, while I was burning a tire to reduce the effects of tear gas, I was chased by police officers. Due to the traffic, I ended up getting out of my car to escape.
Intelligence officers and the police identified me from my license plate. Since I was not home, they arrested my brother instead. During the interrogations, they amputated my brother’s hand.
Question:How have you been treated by Norwegian officials?
Answer: I escaped an oppressive government in order to seek a little justice that was denied to me all my life. I had heard that Norway is a country that stands by the principals of human rights, regardless of skin color, religion and race. For this reason, I came to this country after I fled Iran. But from the first day I [realized] that [Norway] does not treat Iranians well and it does not take Iranian asylum-seekers seriously. I was told that I had not taken part in enough activism [to qualify for asylum]. They asked me how did all the events [I described] take place in one day? How was it that I was identified in one day?
The truth is that I had previously participated in demonstrations and I believe that the line of questioning [by the Norwegian authorities] was intended to mock me. It is not easy for the Norwegian police to believe that the Iranian police and officials could identify me through my license plate. They said that the Iranian police does not have a coherent system to identify vehicles. During initial interrogations the Norwegian police told me, “In this situation you are innocent, and if you return to Iran, nobody will come after you, so you must return to Iran.” My response was, “If I return and get killed who is responsible?” They replied, “Well, why don’t you go back and we will see what happens!”
Question: Despite the fact that the Norwegian government has objected to the situation of human rights in Iran, why are they trying to return you to Iran?
Answer: They tell me that they are the best country in defending human rights, and in some cases, they realize that even the European Union violates human rights. These empty human rights slogans by the Norwegians have spread all over! This country is so lawless that my public defendant has written a defense without having talked to me; as if he knows that it’s all symbolic and there is no point to it other than filling his own pockets.
Norwegian officials, the police, the camp manager and even the representative from the immigration office claim that I have come to Norway in search of money and food. This is why they are planning to send me and numerous other Iranians who live in refugee camps back to the hell-hole called the Islamic Republic. We are protesting this inhumane decision.
Question:How many days has it been since you went on hunger strike?
Answer: I have been on a dry hunger strike for six days. On the fifth day, because we were in terrible shape, our friends called the immigration office and announced that we are on hunger strike and that our physical condition is deteriorating and thus we need to be transferred to a hospital. One of the immigration officers told them that since our hunger strike is voluntary, the responsibility for our lives is in our own hands and that it is none of their business.
Tears rolled down our faces when our friends called the hospital and they were informed that the immigration officers instructed the hospital to not to accept us. This is the pain of helplessness. A doctor and a nurse did come see us on their own initiative and took us to the hospital. In the hospital they informed us that they were unable to inject us with IV because our blood sugar level was too low. Instead, we were given a glass of water to drink over the span of one hour.
Also the ambulances did not help us get back to the camp and we were forced to collect money from other asylum seekers to afford a cab. Please write about this so everyone knows what human rights stands for in Norway!
Question:What happens if you return to Iran?
Answer: I think at the very least we will be arrested, interrogated and jailed. In the end, anything is possible when one considers the lawlessness and instability that exists in Iran’s judiciary. I am sure you have heard about this. What’s waiting for me is torture, rape and execution. Of course I am not saying that this will happen but it is possible. And consider what they did to my innocent brother. He was under interrogation and they amputated his arm.
Question:What would you like to tell to Iranians?
Answer: I just want to say that the claim of human rights by Norway is only a claim and the country does not respect the rights of Iranians at all. They say they are looking for solid documents to be provided by asylum seekers, as if people who run away from their home and their land can bring films and documents along with them. We are not all as lucky as Shirin Ebadi who moved here through her Nobel Peace Prize. Not everyone is a diplomat who cooperated with the Islamic Republic for 30 years and all of a sudden turned into an asylum seeker whose application is easily accepted. It is as if the Norwegians only listen to the noise instead of the deeper issues.
Question: How long will your strike continue?
Answer: We will continue this strike until the human rights of Iranians are not violated. Even if we die, it would be better to die in a country that claims to be a human rights defender than in the unknown dungeons of the Islamic Republic.
Pejman Bahadori is another asylum seeker who has lived in this same camp for the past four years. About the conditions of the camp he states, “There are eight families in four units, with each unit housing two families. In other units there are seven rooms on each floor for singles. Some of the single rooms contain two people, depending on the number of asylum seekers. There are 14 single women and 14 single men living in this camp, each coming from countries like Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Afghanistan, Eastern Europe, etc. The health conditions in this camp are dismal. The restrooms are in the hallways and there are two showers and two bathrooms shared between 14 rooms. At night, even passers-by can use these facilities.
Also the asylum seekers are not on good terms with each other. There are a lot of religious conflicts. The asylum seekers are all mental. For example if I go to the kitchen and ask a question, I might get pots and pans thrown at me. This place looks more like a mental hospital than a refugee camp, and because of not knowing the language and not understanding their surroundings, people act like they are enemies. The Norwegians completely run away from us. They treat us like we are really mental and that they should avoid us at all costs.
The girls live in a unit that looks like a prison. They do not talk to anyone and there is even an Iranian girl among them. Fear and running away from each other is one of the problems that Norwegian authorities should pay attention to.
Question: Why do all of them have mental problems?
Answer: Everyone is either waiting for responses or they have been rejected. Mentally they are not doing well. We are deprived of social amenities. We are deprived of communication facilities like the internet, TV, etc. They make sure that we are not in contact with the outside world and they like to keep us in the dark. Even if we want to pay for facilities, they do not allow us to do that. In a refugee camp called Skistua Mottak, the city is dark and it is as if humanity has died. Even God does not see all the injustices. This camp has been forgotten by Norwegian authorities. When an asylum seeker’s case is rejected, no one asks about him or her anymore. For Norwegian authorities it is not important whether he or she exists. They told me that my case was rejected twice but I have no idea which judge, translator or expert made such a decision. All I know is that I have been rejected twice. When a person is rejected twice, he or she cannot have a lawyer anymore unless they pay for it with their own money. We are also not allowed to use any facilities. They tell us that our case is closed and it does not exist anymore.
Our presence is not even legal anymore. We do not have an identification card and the only way to identify us is through our health card that has a number imprinted on it. We are also identified by the same number in our camp.
Question:You have interviewed local media. Has that had any effect on the way the camp managers treat you?
Answer: When a Norwegian journalist came, the camp officials did not even allow him to take pictures and they told him that the immigration office does not allow journalists to talk to asylum seekers. They also try to create tension among asylum seekers. For example, they allow those who have been at the camp the longest to use some facilities, but others are not permitted. They also abuse the refugees. They pay 400 kroner for work that consists of heavy lifting.
In short this place is like a prison. For us it is exile within exile. The latest news is that the Norwegian government is working on a project to build cordoned-off camps where even the little communication we currently have with the outside world will be non-existent. This means that those whose applications have been denied will live imprisoned and clueless about the outside world.
If the Norwegian government, like the Russians, had announced that they would not accept any more refugees, we wouldn’t have come here. We are all victims of the human rights claims by Norway.
Question:How many Iranians live in this camp?
Answer: There are six Iranian asylum seekers in the camp. I personally want to go to Greece. I entered from Greece so the police are allowed to send me back there. There is also a person who set the camp on fire in Oslo and he is very scared. Another person has been here for eight years who came from the city of Orumiyeh, Iran. He is always in a state of deep silence as he watches life go by. It’s like he has a dark and heavy shadow over his head. He keeps saying that he has nothing to say. For Norwegian authorities, someone whose application has been denied, from the time they are denied until the day they are sent back to the country of origin, can take up to a lifetime. In the meantime they can stay in the camp and use the limited food and board.
Persian Report by Shahrvand | September 30, 2010
By Abbas Shokri | Translation by Tour Irani | Edited by P2E
از اعتصاب غذا و دهان دوختن شان در پرسه زنی های شبانه در فیس بوک آگاه شدم که انگار زبان روزنامه نگاران نروژی گنگ و چشمان شان کور است که تا امروز در رسانه های مهم نروژ از این خبر هیچ چیزی منتشر نشده است. خودشان می گویند که فقط با یک روزنامه ی محلی که به اصرار دیگر ایرانیان ساکن اردوگاه پناهندگی به محل زندگی دو جوان ایرانی آمده بودند، صحبت کرده اند و همان روزنامه نگار هم از سوی مسئولان کمپ تهدید شدند که حق ندارند با این دو جوان ایرانی گفتگو کنند و عکس تهیه کنند.
همان شب با کمک یکی از دوستان شماره تلفنی به دست آوردم که از این دو جوان اطلاعاتی داشت و فهمیدم که در یکی از شهرهای کوچک و دورافتاده ی شمال نروژ در اردوگاه پناهندگی که یک شرکت خصوصی آن را اداره می کند، ساکن هستند.
پژمان بهادری که در همان اردوگاه پناهندگی زندگی می کند، ترتیب گفتگوی من را با “حمید قربانی” یکی از دو جوانی که تا امروز(روز یک شنبه بیست و ششم سپتامبر) شش روز است که در اعتراض به نحوه ی رسیدگی به پرونده شان اعتصاب غذای خشک کرده اند و دهان شان را هم دوخته اند، گفتگو کنم. پژمان می گوید که هوشنگ دیگر جوان اعتصاب کننده از نظر جسمی آن قدر ضعیف شده که نتوانسته از اتاق خود به اتاق او بیاید، البته حمید هم به خاطر نخ هایی که بر دهان دارد، قادر به صحبت کردن نبود و قرار بر این شد که من پرسش را طرح کنم و حمید پاسخ را برای پژمان بنویسد و او برایم بخواند. همین کار را هم کردیم و در پایان هم برای اطمینان از درستی انتقال گفته ها، گوشی تلفن را به حمید دادند و من متن گفتگو را برایش خواندم که تأیید کرد. در زیر متن گفتگوی من با “حمید قربانی” و “پژمان بهادری” را خواهید خواند.
کمی از خودتان بگویید
ـ حمید قربانی هستم 29 ساله، متولد تهران. مدرک تحصیلی ام دیپلم است. متأهل هستم و دو دختر 5 و 3 ساله نیز در ایران در انتظارم روزشماری می کنند که خبر خوش جواب مثبت پناهندگی را به آنها بدهم. در شهر تهران و در منطقه ی خیابان شوش بلور فروشی داشتم که سرمایه اولیه اش را از پدرم به ارث برده بودم. بزرگترین پسر خانواده ام و یک برادر و دو خواهر دارم و از نظر اقتصادی از وضعیت معیشتی متوسطی برخوردار بودیم. اکنون همسر و دو فرزندم در تهران هستند و کسی برای سرپرستی ندارند.
چرا از ایران خارج شدید؟
ـ بعد از تظاهرات خرداد سال پیش از ایران خارج شدم. در سال 86 در آتش سوزی پمپ بنزین نیایش در تهران نقش مؤثری داشتم و شناسایی شدم. در خرداد88 هم هنگامی که مشغول آتش زدن لاستیک ماشین بودم تا اثر گاز اشک آور را کم کنم، پلیس ها دنبالم کردند و به علت شلوغی مجبور به ترک اتومبیلم شدم و فرار را بر قرار ترجیح دادم.
مأمورهای امنیتی و پلیس از روی شماره ماشین مرا شناسایی می کنندکه چون در خانه نبودم برادرم را دستگیر و زندانی می کنند. در حین بازجویی دست برادرم صدمه می بیند و قطع عضو می شود.
ـ از حکومت زور و جور و ظلم و ستم فرار کرده بودم تا ذره ای عدالت که طی همه ی سال های عمرم ازم دریغ شده بود را احساس کنم. شنیده بودم که کشور نروژ از جمله کشورهایی است که به مبانی حقوق بشر پایبند است و به حقوق انسانی هر کس گذشته از رنگ پوست و مذهب و نژاد، احترام می گذارد. به همین خاطر هم پس از فرار از ایران، به این کشور آمدم، اما از همان روز اول احساس کردم که آنها در مورد ایرانی ها برخورد خوبی ندارند و ایرانی های پناهجو را جدی نمی گیرند. گفتند که فعالیت هایت کم بوده. چطور این اتفاقات یک روزه رخ داده است. یعنی چرا ظرف یک روز شناسایی شده ای. این در حالی بود که من پیش از این هم در تظاهرات شرکت کرده بودم و بر این باور هستم که پرسش آنها با تمسخر بوده. برای پلیس نروژ باورکردنی نیست که پلیس و مقامات ایران از طریق شماره ماشین مرا شناسایی کرده باشند که می گویند؛ پلیس ایران سیستم منسجمی برای شناسایی ماشین ندارد، اما در عین حال پس از بازجویی های اولیه، پلیس به من گفت:”با این اوضاع از نظر ما شما بی گناه هستید و اگر به ایران برگردید، کسی به شما کاری ندارد و باید به ایران برگردید.” در پاسخ این پرسش من که اگر برگردم و کشته شوم چه کسی مسئول جان من است هم می گویند:”حالا شما برگردید تا ببینیم چه می شود”.
با وجود آن که وضعیت حقوق بشر در ایران مورد اعتراض نروژی ها می باشد، چرا قصد دارند شما را به ایران برگردانند؟
ـ می گویند که ما بهترین کشور حامی حقوق بشر هستیم و می دانیم که حتا اتحادیه اروپا هم در مواردی نقض حقوق بشر می کند. این در حالی است که شعار پوچ و توخالی حقوق بشر نروژی ها گوش آسمان را هم کر کرده است. بی قانونی در این کشور چنان رشد کرده که وکیل تسخیری ام بدون گفتگو با من، خودش لایحه ی دفاعی را نوشته و فرستاده که انگار او می داند که این اعتراض ها ظاهری است و نقشی مگر سرازیر شدن پول به کیسه ی او ندارد. مسئولان نروژی؛ پلیس، مدیر کمپ و حتا نماینده ی اداره ی مهاجرت می گویند که شما برای پول و غذا به اینجا آمده اید. به همین دلیل هم قصد دارند که من و ده ها ایرانی دیگر که در اردوگاه های پناهندگی نروژ زندگی می کنند را به جهنم جمهوری اسلامی برگردانند. در اعتراض به این تصمیم غیرانسانی هم ما دست به اعتصاب غذا زده ایم.
الان چند روز است که اعتصاب غذا کرده اید؟
ـ شش روز است که اعتصاب غذای خشک کرده ایم که روز پنجم به علت وخیم بودن حال مان، دوستان به اداره مهاجرت زنگ زدند و توضیح داده اند که اینها در حال اعتصاب غذای خشک هستند و وضع جسمانی شان کاملا خراب است و باید به بیمارستان فرستاده شوند. یکی از مقامات اداره ی مهاجرت در پاسخ گفت:”اعتصاب غذای این ها اختیاری است و مسئولیت جان شان هم به همین دلیل به عهده ی خودشان است. این مورد ربطی به ما ندارد”. درد بی پناهی زمانی اشک مان را در می آورد که وقتی دوستان مان با بیمارستان تماس گرفتند و از آنها کمک خواستند، جواب شنیدند که از اداره ی مهاجرت به ما خبر داده اند که هیچ نوع کمکی به این دو نفر نکنیم، اما یک پزشک و یک پرستار با مسئولیت خودشان به ما سر زدند و ما را به بیمارستان بردند. در آنجا گفتند که نمی توانیم سرم بزنیم چون قند خون مان پایین بوده و تنها یک لیوان آب در ظرف یک ساعت به ما دادند. برای برگرداندن مان به کمپ هم آمبولانس بیمارستان همکاری نکرد و مجبور شدیم از پناهجویان پول جمع کنیم و با تاکسی به کمپ برگردیم.
خواهش می کنم بنویسید که دیگران هم بدانند، این است ماجرای حقوق بشر نروژی.
اگر به ایران برگردانده شوید، چه اتفاقی خواهد افتاد؟
ـ فکر می کنم کمترین اتفاقی که رخ خواهد داد دستگیر می شویم، بازجویی و زندانی. سرانجام هم با توجه به بی ثباتی سیاست در دادگستری ایران، همه چیز ممکن است. نمونه هایی که حتما شما هم خودتان شنیده اید، چه بوده است؟ شکنجه، تجاوز و اعدام در انتظار من نشسته است. البته نمی گویم حتما همین می شود، اما قابل پیش بینی است. با برادرم که بیگناه بود چه کردند؟ در بازجویی دست او را ناقص کردند. قطع عضو شده و یک دست خود را از دست داده است.
دوست دارید که به ایرانیان چه بگویید.
ـ من می خواهم بگویم که نروژ و حقوق بشرش فقط ادعا است و حقوقی برای ما ایرانی ها قائل نیست. برای دادن پناهندگی مدارک مستند می خواهند، انگار کسی که فرار می کند و خانه و کاشانه را رها، می تواند فیلم و سند با خود بیاورد. مگر همه “شیرین عبادی” هستند که با جایزه ی صلح نوبل بیایند. مگر همه دیپلمات هستند که بعد از سی سال همکاری تازه پناهنده و بلافاصله هم پذیرفته می شوند. گویا فقط بوق و کرنای این کار برای نروژی ها اهمیت دارد و نه نفس کار.
تا کی این اعتصاب را ادامه می دهید؟
ـ ما این اعتصاب را تا زمانی که حقوق بشر در مورد ما ایرانی ها اعمال نشود ادامه خواهیم داد. اگر هم قرار است که بمیرم، بهتر است که در همین کشور مدعی حقوق بشر باشد تا در سیاهچال های بی نام و نشان جمهوری اسلامی.
***
پژمان بهادری پناهنده ی دیگر ایرانی ست که به مدت چهار سال در همین کمپ زندگی می کند. در مورد چگونگی وضعیت اردوگاه می گوید:”هشت خانواده، در دو بلوک که در هر بلوک دو خانواده زندگی می کنند، روز و شب را پشت سر می گذارند. در بلوک های دیگر، در هر طبقه هفت اتاق برای مجردها است که بعضی تک نفره و بعضی هم دونفره اند که بستگی دارد به تعداد پناهجویان. 14زن مجرد و 14 مرد مجرد در این کمپ زندگی می کنند که اهل کشورهای سومالی، اتیوپی، اریتره، افغانستان، اروپای شرقی و … هستند. موقعیت بهداشتی در این اردوگاه افتضاح است. دشتشویی ها در راهروست و هر 14اتاق دو حمام و دو توالت مشترک دارند که شب ها حتا رهگذرها هم می توانند از اینها استفاده کنند.
رابطه پناهنده ها با هم خوب نیست. برخورد مذهبی زیاد است. پناهندگان روانی هستند و اگر مثلا من به آشپزخانه بروم و پرسشی بکنم ممکن است که قابلمه را به سوی من پرت کنند. اینجا بیش از این که کمپ باشد، شبیه به یک مرکز روانی است و به خاطر عدم تسلط به زبان و عدم شناخت، همه انگار که دشمن هم هستند و نروژی های شهر هم اصلا از ما فرار می کنند. انگار که ما واقعا روانی هستیم و دیوانه که از ما دوری می کنند.
دخترها در بلوکی که هستند، مثل زندان است، اصلا با کسی حرف نمی زنند و یک دختر ایرانی هم در میان شان است. ترس و فرار از یکدیگر یکی از مشکلات ماست که باید مقامات نروژی به آن توجه کنند.
چه می شود که همه از نظر روحی با مشکل روبرو می شوند؟
ـ همه در انتظار جواب هستند و یا جواب ردی گرفته اند و از نظر روانی حال شان خوب نیست.
از امکانات اجتماعی محروم هستیم. از امکانات ارتباطی مثل اینترنت، تلویزیون و … محرومیم. کاری می کنند که ما با بیرون در ارتباط نباشیم و بی خبر از دنیا باشیم. خودمان هم حتا اگر بخواهیم تهیه کنیم، به ما اجازه نمی دهند. در اردوگاه پناهندگی Skistua Mottak شهر نارویک انسانیت مرده است و گویا خدا نیز این همه بی مهری را نمی بیند. این اردوگاه از یاد مقامات نروژی رفته است. پناهنده ای که مردود می شود، دیگر کسی حال او را نمی پرسد، بود و نبودش برای نروژ مهم نیست. به خود من گفته اند که شما دو بار منفی گرفته اید و این که کدام قاضی، مترجم یا کارشناس تصمیم گرفته است، من چیزی نمی دانم. فقط می دانم که دو بار پاسخ مردود داده اند. کسانی که دو بار مردود می شوند حق وکیل هم ندارند مگر با پول خودشان. حق هم نداریم که از امکانات استفاده کنیم. می گویند که پرونده شما دیگر وجود ندارد.
حضور ما دیگر حتا قانونی نیست. ما کارت شناسایی نداریم و تنها مدرک شناسایی ما کارت بهداشتی است که روی آن شماره ای دارد و در کمپ هم با همان شماره شناسایی می شویم.
شما از اوضاع اینجا با رسانه های محلی صحبت کردید، تأثیری آیا در رویه و رفتار مدیران کمپ داشت؟
ـ خبرنگار نروژی هم که آمد مسئولان کمپ اجازه ندادند که حتا عکس بگیرند و گفتند که اداره مهاجرت اجازه گفتگو با این پناهجویان را نمی دهد.
بین پناهندگان هم فتنه راه می اندازند. مثلا یکی که قدیمی تر هست، امکاناتی به او می دهند که بین پناهندگان اختلاف بیندازند. یعنی هم سوءاستفاده کاری می کنند؛ ماهی 400 کرون دستمزد برای کاری سنگین و یا دادن کارت باشگاه یا قول های یی که انجام نمی شود.
در یک کلام اینجا مثل زندان است و برای ما تبعید در تبعید درست کرده اند. آخرین خبر این است که دولت نروژ طرحی دارد برای ساختن کمپ های بسته که همین ارتباط اندک را هم محدود کنند. یعنی کسانی که جواب منفی می گیرند، باید در زندانی زندگی کنند و از دنیا هم بی خبر باشند.
دولت نروژ اگر مثل روس ها رسما اعلام کنند که ما پناهنده نمی گیریم من و امثال من هم اینجا نمی آییم که برای نروژ پرستیژ داشته باشد. ماها قربانیان ادعای حقوق بشری نروژ هستیم.
چند ایرانی در این اردوگاه هست؟
ـ کل پناهندگان ایرانی شش نفر هستند. خودم می خواهم به یونان بروم چون من از یونان وارد نروژ شده ام و پلیس می تواند مرا به آنجا بفرستد. یکی هم از اسلو پس از آتش زدن کمپ آمده که خیلی می ترسد. یکی هم هشت سالی می شود که اینجا هست، اهل ارومیه است و معمولا در سکوت سنگینی روزگار را نظاره می کند که سایه ای سنگین و سیاه بر سرش کشیده است و می گوید که جواب ندارم. از نظر مقامات نروژی کسانی که دو بار پاسخ منفی گرفته اند تا زمانی که به کشور دیگر یا کشور خودشان برگشت داده شوند، می توانند حتا اگر تا آخر عمر هم طول بکشد در کمپ بمانند و از جا و غذای محدود استفاده کنند.
* عباس شکری دارای دکترا در رشته ی “ارتباطات و روزنامه نگاری”، پژوهشگر خبرگزاری نروژ، نویسنده و مترجم آزاد و از همکاران شهروند در اسلو ـ نروژ است که بویژه اتفاقات آن بخش از اروپا را پوشش می دهد.
We condemn the continuance of Reza Shahabi’s detention and approval of one year sentence for Mansoor Osanloo.
Reza Shahabi board member of Workers of Tehran and Suburb Bus Drivers Syndicate was arrested on June 12, 2010, and has been in a limbo in Evin prison for more than 3 months.
This Syndicate board member has been suffering from pain in the lumbar region and the neck. He has been in contact with his family through phone calls on sundays and visits with them in cabin on Thursdays. We have also been notified of the approval of one year sentence for Mansoor Osanloo based on charges of propaganda against the regime which was issued by the primary court after and he is forced to serve the total of 6 years in prison including the 5 years he was given due to his activities in 2005 (1384 persian year).
Also Ebrahim Madadi another board member of this Syndicate whom has been imprisoned in Evin prison over 2 years and is serving his 3.5 years sentence due to union activities has been deprived of any vacation time. Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburb Bus Company condemns the continuance of detention of Reza Shahabi, Ebrahim Madadi and the approval of one year sentence for Mansoor Osanloo and has asked for the release of all imprisoned workers activists.
Syndicate of Vaahed workers, Tehran and Suburbs Bus
سندیکای واحد: ادامه بازداشت و احکام صادره علیه فعالین سندیکای اتوبوسرانی را محکوم میکنیم
سندیکای کارگران شرکت واحد ادامه باز داشت رضا شهابی ،ابراهیم مددی و تایید حکم یکسال زندان برای منصور اسالو را محکوم می کند و خواهان آزادی همه فعالین کارگری زندانی می باشد
ادامه بازداشت رضا شهابی و تایید حکم یکسال زندان برای منصور اسالو را محکوم می کنیم
رضا شهابی عضو هیئت مدیره سندیکای کارگران شرکت واحد اتوبوسرانی تهران و حومه که از تاریخ 22 خرداد ماه 1389 دستگیرشده ، بیش از 3 ماه به صورت بلاتکلیف در زندان اوین به سر می برد
این عضو هیئت مدیره سندیکای کارگران شرکت واحد به دلیل درد از ناحیه کمر و گردن در حالی در زندان می باشد که روز های یکشنبه به صورت تلفنی وپنجشنبه ها از طریق ملاقات کابینی با خانواده خود در ارتباط می باشد همچنین با خبر شدیم حکم یکسال زندان منصور اسالو که به اتهام تبلیغ علیه نظام در دادگاه بدوی صادر شده بود با گذشت بیش از بیست روز و عدم ارائه اعتراض برای رسیدگی در دادگاه های تجدید نظر استان تهران به قطعیت رسیده و نامبرده که به دلیل فعالیت های صنفی در سال 1384 به 5 سال زندان محکوم شده بود با تایید یکسال باید مدت 6 سال را در زندان باشد
همچنین ابراهیم مددی دیگر عضو هیئت مدیره سندیکا با گذشت بیش از 2 سال که به دلیل اجرای حکم 3.5 سال زندان به خاطر فعالیت صنفی در زندان اوین به سر می برد همچنان از امکانات استفاده از مرخصی بی بهره می باشد
سندیکای کارگران شرکت واحد ادامه باز داشت رضا شهابی ،ابراهیم مددی و تایید حکم یکسال زندان برای منصور اسالو را محکوم می کند و خواهان آزادی همه فعالین کارگری زندانی می باشد
Yassamine Mather exposes the concerted efforts of the Islamic regime against Iranian women
Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani, the 43 year old mother of two who awaits the death penalty by stoning in Iran on adultery charges brought by the sharia court in Azerbaijan province, is on the cover of many western newspapers and the subject of news broadcasts in Europe and the US. Last Sunday, protesters, including philosophers and singers, were among those taking part in a demonstration in Paris in solidarity with Mrs Ashtiani, while similar protests took place in cities throughout the world.
One of her lawyers has been forced to leave Iran, seeking political asylum in Scandinavia. European ministers, presidents and MPs are defending her right to live, yet in her home town of Tabriz very few seem to be aware of her plight. The local media has not mentioned her case except as a small column in the ‘accidents’ pages, official Iranian TV channels do not cover her story and, arriving in New York this week, Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad claimed: “reports of a woman being sentenced to killing by stoning in Iran were fabricated, made up and part of Western propaganda.”[1]. All this after many official statements by Iran’s foreign ministry that the stoning of Mrs Ashtiani will be reviewed![2].
It appears that her sentence, like the exaggerated claims about Iran’s nuclear and military capabilities, or the spying case against the three hikers (one of whom was released on the eve of Ahmadinejad’s visit to New York)[3], are for foreign consumption. At times it looks as if the Islamic regime and its president are determined to attract publicity even if it is negative publicity. Of course, it is ordinary Iranians who pay the price of this adventurism.
Sakineh Ashtiani was first tried on May 15 2006 by a court in Tabriz, and pleaded guilty to an “illicit relationship”, although the so-called adultery occurred after the death of her husband. She was sentenced to 99 lashes, and the sentence was carried out that year. In September 2006, her case was re-opened when another court was prosecuting one of the two men involved in the death of her husband. She was then convicted of adultery while still married, and sentenced to death by stoning. She later retracted her confession. The case was held in Persian; though she only speaks Azeri.
Every time the Islamic regime faced a political crisis, a new crime was added to Sakineh’s case; and now, as Ahmadinejad embarks on a wave of media interviews in the US, we are suddenly told there is no ‘stoning’ case. Those people in Iran who know about her plight agree she is the victim of a cynical ploy by Ahmadinejad and his supporters to deliberately attract international condemnations – part of a strategy to divert attention from internal economic and political problems.
No one should be in any doubt about the concerted efforts of the Islamic regime against Iranian women, however. Hardliners are trying to reintroduce a family-law bill that is recognised as discriminatory against women not only by moderates but also by some staunch conservatives. For example, one article of the bill provides men with the right to marry a second wife without consent from the first.
Fractured regime
As predicted, once the reformist faction was marginalised in terms of government executive power, conflict between Ahmadinejad’s government and the parliament, or majlis, deepened. The main parliamentary group, known as the principlist faction, is headed by the speaker, Ali Ardashir Larijani. The conflict has paralysed the state, with Ahmadinejad angrily withdrawing a number of bills presented by his government, claiming that they had been changed beyond recognition as they passed through various majlis committees. The government has stopped sending its decisions to lawmakers for confirmation, and it routinely fails to implement laws adopted by parliament.
In the last few weeks, another faction – the ‘pragmatists’ led by former Islamic revolutionary guard corps (IRGC) commander Mohsen Rezai – has also been critical of the government.
The ideological battles between Ahmadinejad and the conservatives has entered a new phase. He is constantly attacked for controversial statements made by his self appointed chief of staff, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei. In a complete departure from all the ‘principles’ of the Islamic regime, on August 4 Mashaei told a gathering of Iranian expatriates that “the country should introduce the ideology of Iran, rather than Islam, to the world … Islam would be lost if it weren’t for Iran”. And, a week later: “… if we want to present the truth embodied in Islam, we must fly the flag of Iran.” His remarks were attacked as heresy by conservative clerics who accused Ahmadinejad and Mashaei of advocating nationalism and secularism.
In early September, Ahmadinejad and Mashaei presided over the opening of the Cyrus ‘human rights’ cylinder exhibition. The cylinder was transferred to Iran from the British Museum in early September and will be on display for four months. Some regard it as the world’s first declaration of human rights, and a symbol of tolerance and respect for different peoples and faiths made under the orders of Cyrus II, founder of the Persian empire under the Achaemenid dynasty, in 539 BCE following the conquest of Babylon.
Herodotus and Aeschylus – Greeks who lived after Cyrus – praised him and called him merciful. The Bible describes him as the “anointed one”, because he allowed exiled Jews to return to Israel. However, modern historians doubt this flattering version of events. According Josef Wiesehöfer, professor of ancient history at the university of Kiel, in Germany, Cyrus attained his goals with “carrots and sticks”, but in truth, he was a violent ruler like all others.
Inside Iran this sudden obsession with ‘old Persia’ has been reminiscent of the last days of the shah. His lavish celebrations of 2,500 years of Iranian monarchy at the palace of Persepolis, and the reciting of Cyrus’s charter marked the beginning of the end of his rule. So Iranians of a variety of political persuasions are not impressed by Ahmadinejad calling Cyrus a ‘major prophet’ and draping a basij scarf around the shoulders of a man dressed as an Achaemenid soldier at Iran’s national museum during the inauguration of the Cyrus cylinder. All this has led to a new title for Ahmadinejad supporters: Archemedis Bassiji.
Balancing act
During the last few weeks Ahmadinejad has made a number of new appointments: Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei as his special envoy to the Middle East; Hamid Baghei, head of Iran’s cultural heritage foundation, as special envoy for Asian affairs; deputy foreign minister Mohammad Mehdi Akhundzadeh has been named Iran’s envoy on Caspian affairs; and Abolfazl Zohrevand, deputy head of Iran’s supreme national security council, is now the president’s envoy to Afghanistan. None of these appointments were approved by the supreme leader, ayatollah Ali Hoseyni Khamenei, who decides foreign policy issues; and, of course, they are a challenge to the dominant conservative factions of the majlis as well as a blow to Iran’s foreign ministry and foreign minister Manuchehr Mottaki, who is considered a pragmatist, and whom many believed was the supreme leader’s appointee in the government following the disputed 2009 presidential elections.
On September 7, 122 MPs in Iran’s 290-seat majlis called Ahmadinejad’s move “illegal”, and the supreme leader warned against duplication of foreign policy roles, reasserting his support for foreign ministry officials.
Mashaei has established his own news agency, Mashanews, which is campaigning for an Iran without clerics (presumably with military nationalists in power?): “Iran needs someone like Mashaei to get rid of mullahs once and for all in Iran and bring back the great civilization of Iran minus the Arab mullahs who have polluted and destroyed Iran for the past 31 years.” Almost word for word what royalists and ultra-nationalist Iranians have been saying.
The Islamic reformist reaction came from ex-president Seyed Mohammad Khatami: “I don’t want to speak about individuals. I believe that the clergy has played an important role in the regime. The thesis ‘Islam minus the clergy’ is fundamentally senseless, just like medicine without doctors, and has imperialist roots. Its goal is to marginalize the clergy from the arena and to give room to those who have deviated and have fundamental problems with the Islamic revolution and the regime. Therefore, this movement will not find a path among the devout and the principlist.”
So here we are – Ahmadinejad and royalists on one side, Khatami, Mir-Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karoubi on the opposite side. Iran’s supreme leader has a difficult choice to make; his balancing act between the warring factions of the regime cannot last long and everyone inside and outside Iran is well aware of this.
Sanctions economy
The economy is in ruins. Sanctions are taking their toll and the government is paralysed. Sanctions on the banking and finance sector started three years ago; however it is only in the last few months that the new round of tougher sanctions and investment conditions has created problems for ordinary Iranians. Morteza Massoumzadeh of the Iranian business council in Dubai explains: “During this period we have seen the volume of economic activity in some cases drop by more than 50%”. New sanctions will make Iranian foreign exchange trade more difficult.
Economist Bijan Bidabadi told the BBC that sanctions on banking has put pressure on the economy. Some private banks have tried to substitute for banks listed in the sanctions bill, but their resources are too limited to cope with the country’s trade dealings.
Many importers and exporters are using loans to pay for transportation, others are entering deals without formal invoices and this will affect the economy. As greed, lack of spare parts (due to sanctions) and corruption continue to destroy manufacturing, including food production and agriculture, most of the country’s basic necessities are imported at colossal prices. Iranians are complaining that the price of most basic food items in major cities is more than the price of the same item in Europe. Most people, even amongst the professional classes, cannot afford to buy meat.
Last week ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani, head of the clerical assembly of experts, told the annual gathering of the assembly that Iran would become a “dictatorship” unless current policies are reversed. He revealed the true extent of the sanctions:
“We have never been faced with so many sanctions … I would like to ask you and all the country’s officials to take the sanctions seriously and not as a joke.”
The remarks were aimed at Ahmadinejad, who has brushed away concerns about sanctions, calling them “pathetic” and less effective than “a used handkerchief”.
Paralysed
Disputes within the many factions of the Islamic regime have paralysed the functioning of the state. It is no wonder ‘regime change from above’ is once more openly discussed by the US administration, while Israel and ‘hawks’ in the US Republican Party are once more calling for direct military action. On August 17 John Bolton, former US ambassador to the United Nations told Fox news that “Israel has until the weekend to launch a military strike on Iran’s first nuclear plant before the humanitarian risk of an attack becomes too great”. Bolton was referring to the fact that on August 22 a Russian company was expected to help Iran start loading nuclear fuel into the Bushehr reactor. Contrary to all Barack Obama’s election claims, many of this summer’s statements regarding Iran’s nuclear programme and the need for regime change, as well as the dramatic escalation in the levels of sanctions imposed on the country, remind us of the Bush administration’s obsession with regime change in Iraq.
Let us be clear; Iran it is not an anti-imperialist state; its economy is that of a capitalist dictatorship; its foreign policy is limited to irrational, reactionary anti-Western rhetoric; and, given serious internal political conflict and its association with the occupation governments in Iraq and Afghanistan, it is neither in a position to challenge US aggression in the region, nor to support Palestinians. Yet, at a time of economic crisis, the hegemon capitalist world power is in no position to tolerate a rogue state in a strategic part of the Middle East. The severity of the sanctions can only be explained if we take these facts into account. Iran’s clerical rulers are busy fighting each other, the economy is in a terrible state and the US and its allies hope sanctions will bring about their desired regime change.
Reformists and US style regime change
Since the disputed elections of last summer, sections of the international left have tried to reduce protests by millions of Iranians to an imperialist plot for a colour revolution. In the US the World Workers Party stood firmly behind Ahmadinejad, denying any fraud took place and heralding the Iranian president as the champion of the poor, while leftist academic James Petras wrote:
“The demography of voting reveals a real class polarization pitting high income, free market oriented, capitalist individualists against working class, low income, community based supporters of a ‘moral economy’ in which usury and profiteering are limited by religious precepts.”
Nothing could be further from the truth. Far from being an opponent of privatisation or a champion of the poor, Ahmadinejad’s presidency has coincided with a period of unprecedented privatisations, deregulation of work, mass unemployment and a growing gap between rich and poor, and the abolition of all subsidies.[4]
As Iran steadily moves up in the ranks of the most corrupt world states, contrary to James Petras’s claims it is the upper classes, the owners of capital, who benefit from the current government’s policies. Dictatorships work well for those seeking maximum exploitation of labour. Who but a neo-conservative Islamic regime could have created conditions forcing car plant workers (among the elite of the Iranian working class) work three consecutive shifts in order to survive?
Owners of major capital have benefited from the policies of consecutive Islamic governments, especially since 1988. That is why they tolerate minor inconveniences caused by the interference of religion in private lives. In fact, unlike the working classes and the poor, they are not too concerned about sexual apartheid, bans on alcohol, restrictions on gatherings. They can afford to bribe their way into living a Los Angeles style life right in the middle of the capital city of the Islamic Republic of Iran. And both in maintaining a Western lifestyle and in their ultra rightwing Persian nationalism, they have an ally in Ahmadinejad’s most trusted deputy, Mashaei.
On the political scene, the leaders of the Green movement are not considered regime-change forces by the US. There are many reasons for this, amongst them the fact that they remain loyal to the constitution of the Islamic republic. Also because their coming to power would not be seen by anyone as the US regaining control of Iran, not a sufficient enough reversal of the 1979 revolution. On the contrary, they remain the last card of the Islamic republic, a safeguard against downfall of the entire regime. The overwhelming majority of the political groups and parties behind the foundation of the Islamic republic in 1979, as well as senior ayatollahs, both in the council of experts (ayatollah Rafsanjani) and those acting as source of shia guidance (ayatollahs Yousef Sanei, Bayat-Zajani, Dastgheyb, etc) are currently in the reformist camp.
This above all else explains why Iran’s supreme leader tolerates this legal opposition and why so often in recent weeks his office played the role of intermediary and peacemaker between conservatives (the majority faction in the majlis) and reformists, even at the cost of isolating Ahmadinejad. Of course, should other more trusted allies, such as royalists, republicans and former religious figures currently gathered around the regime change camp in Washington, fail to increase their support base, the US and its allies might then consider supporting leaders of the Green movement.
Opposition to the entire regime and the reformist camp
The last few weeks have been turbulent times for the reformist movement. Despite new arrests, the return to prison of activists on bail and impending court cases, sections of this movement seem to have found new confidence in confronting the regime. Attempts at gaining televised confessions from imprisoned reformists have failed and some have started proceedings against their jailers and torturers. Karoubi and Mousavi have launched a new satellite and internet station. However the gap between the radical young supporters of the Green movement and a conservative and rather ineffective leadership remains as wide as ever.
Two weeks ago Karoubi’s house was surrounded by a pro-Ahmadinejad mob who smashed windows and damaged security cameras; but they had to retreat having failed to gain any support from revolutionary guards. Even amongst Iran’s paramilitary forces there are divided loyalties between conservatives and neo-conservative pro-Ahmadinejad forces. In a clear sign of shifting alliances, revolutionary guard commanders issued a statement condemning the attack on Karoubi’s house. On September 15 plain clothes security agents raided the office of Mousavi and took away computers and some of his belongings. His office and website claimed this marked a “new phase in restrictions” on him.
Throughout the 14 months since the rigged elections, leaders of the Green movement have complained about repression and attacks by security forces. However no Green movement supporters have faced the kind of repression meted out day in day out to labour activists (such as Tehran busworkers Reza Shahabi and Mansoor Ossanlou), to defenders of women’s rights such as Shiva Nazarahari or to hundreds of leftist student activists arrested in the last few months. Having said that, a positive aspect of the continued internal conflict between the various factions of the regime is that it allows a limited breathing space to workers, women and students who are waging the real struggle for regime change from below – its revolutionary overthrow.
While conflicts between plain clothes security forces and military and Pasdar leaders who call them ‘rogue agents’ are escalating, reformists and conservatives are attempting a new alliance against neo-conservatives around Ahmadinejad. With severe sanctions and renewed talk of military attacks against Iran, all of this heralds a new phase in the post-election period.
There is the danger of increased repression, imprisonment of all opposition figures, imposition of terror and further attacks on the working class. However there is also a possibility that the cracks between the majlis and the president are too deep to permit a reconciliation, that protests will continue and that the next round of mass protests against unemployment, abolition of subsidies and the lack of freedom and democracy will be more radical and effective than last year’s demonstrations.
The situation is now desperate. We may have only 72 hours to save the family and prevent their deportation to Iran .
Child M and his family have thousands of supporters. Their plight has received wide spread media coverage.
What next?
The legal process has ended. The Home Secretary and Immigration Minister can still halt their deportation and give the family the right to remain in the UK .
The only chance for this family now is that the Home Secretary and Immigration Minister agree to discuss the case with the family’s constituency MP, Sir Gerald Kaufman.
We ask all supporters of Child M and his family and those sympathetic to their case to do two things;
Urgently contact Damian Green and Teresa May and state that the family cannot be safely returned to Iran . They face certain imprisonment and worse.
Contact your own MP and Councilors and ask them to do the same and to cantact Sir Gerald Kaufman to offer their support.
It’s not over yet. Together we can still save this family. Please do all you can.
Iranian human rights activist Shiva Nazar-Ahari was sentenced to six years in prison and exile to Izzeh, in the province of Khuzestan. The Committee of Human Rights Reporters (CHRR) stated today that the human rights activist was also issued a sentence of 76 lashes. The sentences were issued by Judge Pir Abassi in branch 26 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court.
شلاق محکوم شد
کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر– شیوا نظرآهاری فعال حقوق بشر و عضو کمیتهی گزارشگران حقوق بشر، به ۷۶ ضربه شلاق، شش سال حبس همراه با تبعید به زندان ایذه محکوم شد.
حکم صادره از سوی قاضی پیرعباسی در شعبه بیست و شش دادگاه انقلاب تهران به وی ابلاغ شده است. شیوا نظرآهاری در تاریخ ۲۹ آذر ۸۸ زمانی که به همراه تعدادی از فعالین مدنی و حقوق بشری قصد شرکت در مراسم تدفین آیت الله منتظری را داشت بازداشت شد. وی سرانجام هفتهی گذشته و پس از نزدیک به یک سال بازداشت در زندان اوین با تودیع وثیقهی ۵۰۰ میلیون تومانی آزاد شده بود.
این عضو کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر در دادگاه به اتهام محاربه، تبانی و اجتماع برعلیه امنیت ملی، اخلال در نظم عمومی و تبلغ علیه نظام محاکمه شده بود. در حال حاضر کوهیار گودرزی، دیگر عضو کمیتهی گزارشگران حقوق بشر از ۲۹ آذرماه سال گذشته بدون حتی یک روز مرخصی در زندان اوین در حال سپری کردن دوران یک سال محکومیت خود است.
HRANA – Azad Kamangar, a technical and engineering student at Yazdanpanah college in Sanandaj (Kurdistan province of Iran), was detained [on September 3rd] while on his way to school. He was transferred to an undisclosed location.
Family members of the student activist have gone to the Ministry of Intelligence and the Revolutionary Court for answers, but they have not been able to obtain any information on him.
According to HRANA reporters, earlier, in June, Azad Kamangar, who is the nephew of the executed teacher Farzad Kamangar, was under indictment by security forces following a memorial ceremony held for the May 9th executions. Authorities failed to detain him since he was not home at the time.
It is worth noting that following the memorial ceremony, a total of six university students were arrested by security forces. The house of Farzad Kamangar’s sister was also raided in an attempt to arrest her son Azad. The personal belongings of the student activist were confiscated in the raid.
هرانا؛ آزاد کمانگر، خواهر زاده فرزاد کمانگر بازداشت شد
يكشنبه 14 شهریور 1389 ساعت 13:15
خبرگزاری هرانا – آزاد کمانگر دانشجوی دانشکده فنی و مهندسی یزدان پناه سنندج دو روز پیش در پی مراجعه به دانشگاه بازداشت و به مکان نامعلومی منتقل شد.
بنا به اطلاع گزارشگران هرانا، آزاد کمانگر که خواهر زاده فرزاد کمانگر معلم اعدامی است پیشتر در پی برگزاری مراسم یادبودی برای اعدام شدگان 19 اردی بهشت در خرداد ماه سالجاری تحت تعقیب نیروهای امنیتی قرار گرفته بود که به دلیل عدم حضور وی در منزل، تلاش برای بازداشت وی ناموفق بوده است.
خانواده این فعال دانشجویی در مراجعه به اداره اطلاعات سنندج و دادگاه انقلاب موفق به کسب خبر از وی نشدند.
گفتنی است پیشتر در پی برگزاری این مراسم شش تن از دانشجویان این دانشگاه توسط نیروهای امنیتی بازداشت شدند و منزل خواهر فرزاد کمانگر جهت بازداشت فرزندش نیز یورش شده و کلیه لوازم شخصی وی ضبط شد.
I found out about their hunger strike and the sewing of their lips while surfing through Facebook. It is as if Norwegian journalists have turned mute and they have shut their eyes. Until today there was no news on it in the mainstream Norwegian media.
We condemn the continuance of Reza Shahabi’s detention and approval of one year sentence for Mansoor Osanloo.
Yassamine Mather exposes the concerted efforts of the Islamic regime against Iranian women
