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<\/a><\/p>\nSupporters and apologists of Iran\u2019s Islamic Republic in Respect,1<\/sup><\/a> Counterfire2<\/sup><\/a> and the Socialist Workers Party3<\/sup><\/a> have in the past told us that Iran is not a dictatorship. It has democratic elections to determine the president and the composition of its parliament …<\/p>\n The regime\u2019s 11th presidential elections have demonstrated how far removed this is from reality. Having arrested and imprisoned all serious opposition, including the regime\u2019s own \u2018reformists\u2019, the remaining factions, despite being at each other\u2019s throats, are all agreed that only those candidates for president who completely uphold the line of the supreme leader may be permitted to stand. So not only has the favourite of outgoing president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, been barred. So too has the moderate centrist and former president, ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani.<\/p>\n The omens were not good from the beginning. The supreme leader, ayatollah Ali Khamenei, had disowned his chosen candidate of 2009. Ahmadinejad, who came to power following a controversial vote in elections many Iranians believed to be rigged, is now considered an enemy. In fact, despite the careful vetting of candidates for this and other elected posts on religious grounds, as determined by the constitution, Iran\u2019s clerical dictators, in the form of two supreme leaders, have ended up falling out with almost everyone who has occupied the presidency, beginning with ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who famously turned his back on the regime\u2019s first president, Abulhassan Banisadr.<\/p>\n Rafsanjani, who was Khamenei\u2019s first president, fell out with the supreme leader. So did Mohammad Khatami, a vetted, obedient servant of the regime – he was out of favour by the end of his first term and definitely an enemy by the end of his second. Last but not least, for all his earlier support for Ahmadinejad against leaders of the green \u2018reformist\u2019 movement, the supreme leader fell out with his chosen president in the first months of his second term and in the end it could hardly be any worse.<\/p>\n What is different this year is that the entire electoral process has become a joke even before the election campaign has started. Because Khamenei was determined to reduce electioneering from months to only three weeks, it was not until May 21, just 24 days before the polls, that Iranians got to know the final list of candidates. However, Khamenei had apparently been concerned that the absence of any known figure, never mind a controversial one, might lead to a lacklustre campaign and no doubt this played a part in the supreme leader\u2019s quiet encouragement of Rafsanjani to enter the foray.<\/p>\n His candidacy was hailed by both \u2018reformists\u2019 and opponents of the regime as a sign of \u2018hope\u2019 – the \u2018saviour\u2019 had come out of retirement. Even sections of the left believed he was therefore worthy of critical support. No-one was clear about how exactly Rafsanjani would save the nation – except by lengthening the rule of the religious dictatorship, that is – but in the euphoria that followed his registration as a candidate, none of this mattered. In fact it could well be that the unprecedented support for Rafsanjani by sections of the \u2018reformist\u2019 opposition convinced the Guardian Council to rule him out of the electoral process.<\/p>\n The Guardian Council is supposed to make its deliberations in private. However, while the vetting process was going on, one of its leading figures, ayatollah Ahmad Jannati, commented: \u201cIranians do not want to elect a president whose car is a Mercedes Benz\u201d – the model Rafsanjani arrived in to register his candidacy.<\/p>\n Rafsanjani\u2019s supporters hit back by arguing that Jannati\u2019s own modern Peugeot is far more expensive than Rafsanjani\u2019s old Mercedes. BBC Persian service produced a short video of the cars used by several of Iran\u2019s Islamic rulers, which shows Khamenei himself getting out of a bullet-proof BMW. It should be pointed out that Iran\u2019s supreme leader and his family are embroiled in a scandal regarding the BMW dealership in Iran.<\/p>\n The issue of luxury cars is a touchy subject for Shia rulers. When young Iranians were asked in a telephone and internet poll what they associated with the phrase, \u2018Islamic clerics\u2019, a considerable number said \u201cMercedes Benz\u201d or \u201cBMW\u201d (although the sons of the ayatollahs have long since preferred Maseratis and Porsches).<\/p>\n Once the car issue became just too embarrassing, the Guardian Council changed its tactics and focussed instead on the question of age. A candidate over 75 was apparently too old to occupy the presidency and, had the council been aware that a 78-year-old would put himself forward, they would have introduced an age bar.<\/p>\n However, this too was easy to counter by Rafsanjani supporters and others. A TV station listed the age of the Islamic regime\u2019s current and previous leaders, starting with Khomeini, who became head of state aged 81, and the current supreme leader, who is 73. Jannati is 87 – the same age as one of his senior colleagues on the Guardian Council, ayatollah Mahdavi Kani …<\/p>\n Rafsanjani\u2019s daughter has informed the world\u2019s press and media that on May 21 senior figures of the regime had been trying to persuade her father to withdraw his nomination. But he had refused, saying he could not \u201cbetray the people\u2019s trust\u201d. However, earlier that day, as the Guardian Council was preparing to make its final announcement, security forces moved into action. Supporters of Mashaei and Ahmadinejad were arrested as a \u201cprecautionary measure\u201d, and the offices of a \u2018reformist\u2019 youth organisation were ransacked and closed down.<\/p>\n Then the daughter of the founder of the Islamic Republic, ayatollah Khomeini, issued an open letter to Khamenei, declaring that her father had considered Hashemi Rafsanjani to possess all the qualities necessary to be not just president, but supreme leader. This was the first time anyone had quoted Khomeini\u2019s thoughts concerning a possible successor to himself and obviously implied a serious criticism of the current supreme leader.<\/p>\n Once it became clear that Mashaei had been barred, Ahmadinejad absurdly announced he would contest the decision by asking the supreme leader to intervene. Apparently Ahmadinejad was the only person who did not know that it was Khamenei\u2019s decision to bar both Mashaei and Rafsanjani.<\/p>\n There is a big difference between electoral cheating, such as ballot-rigging (as happened in 2009) and barring a very senior cleric like Rafsanjani, the man who is considered alongside Khomeini as a founder of the Islamic regime, the man who played a crucial part in writing the constitution of the clerical state, who has been one of the regime\u2019s most powerful figures. As many have commented in Tweets and on Facebook, the ayatollah who chairs the expediency convention – a body answerable to the supreme leader with supervisory powers over all branches of government – is not considered fit to run for president!<\/p>\n This whole farce says everything about the crisis gripping the Islamic regime. It is true that some of Rafsanjani\u2019s supporters might now switch support to a lesser known \u2018reformist\u2019, Mohammad Aref, or the centrist, Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, but this is now a doomed electoral process. In many ways the events of the last few days have shown how pinning one\u2019s hopes on the pseudo-dictatorial electoral process in Iran was a disaster.<\/p>\n The US might have considered negotiations with Iran under a Rafsanjani presidency, but the Obama administration is unlikely to take seriously whoever wins from the remaining, vetted candidates, however conciliatory the tone of those candidates may be. Ayatollah Khamenei and his Guardian Council might end up regretting the path they have taken.<\/p>\n As for the Iranian working class, it has two enemies: imperialism and its own rulers. The latter are not only remote from ordinary people, but so very clearly engulfed in personal struggles for wealth and power. When it comes to the presidential elections, any tactic other than a boycott is tantamount to offering support to this retrograde, reactionary regime.<\/p>\n <\/a>1. George Galloway commends the 2009 Iran elections 2009: www.youtube.com\/watch?v=qL3yhzV2wWU<\/a><\/p>\n <\/a>2. Press TV interview with John Rees: www.counterfire.org\/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=4198&Itemid=81<\/a><\/p>\n <\/a>3. See report of 2007 Stop the War Coalition conference: \u2018Lies cannot stop imperialists\u2019<\/a> Weekly Worker<\/em> November 8 2007.\t\t<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" The Iranian elections are a travesty Supporters and apologists of Iran\u2019s Islamic Republic in Respect,1 Counterfire2 and the Socialist Workers Party3 have in the past told us that Iran is not a dictatorship. It has democratic elections to determine the president and the composition of its parliament … The regime\u2019s 11th presidential elections have demonstrated … <\/p>\nClerical cars<\/h4>\n
Yassamine Mather<\/h4>\n
Notes<\/h4>\n