Monthly Archives: February 2010

Call for Hunger Strike at Isfahan Steel Complex

Class struggle in Iran
Class struggle in Iran

RAHANA – Last week, a flier calling on contract workers to go on a hunger strike was distributed at the Isfahan Steel Complex.

Contract workers have suffered wage and benefit cuts since they became directly contracted by the factory. Currently, their wages and benefits are significantly below those of the company’s regular workers.

According to the Ad Hoc Council of Isfahan Steel Workers, following the distribution of the hunger strike flyer, the director made the tour of the plant and promised the unhappy workers that he would address their demands before the new year (March 21, 2010).

Meanwhile, the factory’s security made their own tour of the workshops, threatened the workers and told them their wages are not supposed to be equal to those of the regular workers of the factory.

Security officials asked the workers in charge of receiving and distribution of factory meals to identify the workers who were on hunger strike. The employees in charge of the locker rooms where the flyer had been distributed were summoned to the security office.

Following the promises made by the director, the situation has become more calm, and contract workers are waiting to see the outcome of his actions.

The contract workers, who were previously employed by private contractors, had high hopes when they were hired by the factory [on a contract basis], but most of them have suffered between 30 to 100 dollar wage reductions, and their overtime allowance has been limited to 45 hours. Their previous employers did not impose a limit on the number of overtime hours.

Translation by: RAHANA

From Persian2Engish

نارضایتی کارگران قرارداد مسقیم ذوب آهن اصفهان

جمعه , ۷ اسفند , ۱۳۸۸ @ ۴:۴۶ ب.ظ

اعتراض کارگران قرارداد مسقیم به اختلاف فاحش حقوق و مزایا با کارگران رسمی و مهم تر از آن کاهش حقوق و مزایا پس از تبدیل وضعیت از قرارداد با شرکت های پیمانکاری به قرارداد مستقیم با ذوب آهن است.

رهانا: هفته گذشته در کارخانه ذوب آهن اعلامیه هایی پخش شد که کارگران قرارداد مستقیم را به اعتصاب غذا فراخوانده بود. اعتراض این کارگران به اختلاف فاحش حقوق و مزایا با کارگران رسمی و مهم تر از آن کاهش حقوق و مزایا پس از تبدیل وضعیت از قرارداد با شرکت های پیمانکاری به قرارداد مستقیم با ذوب آهن بود.

به گزارش شورای موقت کارگران ذوب اهن اصفهان در پی این اقدام مدیرعامل ذوب آهن درسرکشی به قسمت های مختلف کارخانه با کارگران قرارداد مستقیم به گفتگو نشست وبه آنان قول بررسی خواسته های شان را تا آخر اسفند ماه داد.

از سوی دیگر به موازات این اقدام حراست و انتظامات کارخانه به گشت زنی در کارگاه ها پرداختند و در چندین کارگاه در گفتگو با کارگران به تهدید آنان پرداخته و عنوان کردند که قرار نیست کارگران قرارداد مستقیم از حقوق و مزایایی هم سطح با کارگران رسمی برخوردار شوند. آنان از کارگران مسئول غذا که به دریافت و توزیع غذای کارگران شیفت می پردازند نیز خواستند اسامی کارگرانی را که اعتصاب غذا می کنند به حراست گزارش دهند. در اقدامی دیگر مسئولان رختکن هایی که در آنها اعلامیه توزیع شده بود به حراست احضار شده و تحت فشار قرار گرفتند.

با توجه به قول مساعد مدیرعامل مبنی بر بررسی خواسته های این کارگران تا حد زیادی از التهابات کاسته شده و فعلا آنان منتظرند تا مدیرعامل جدید نتیجه بررسی هایش را اعلام کند. لازم به یادآوری است که قرارداد مستقیم بستن با کارگران شرکت های پیمانکاری در آستانه انتخابات آغاز شد و امیدهای زیادی را در بین آنان برانگیخت اما در وضعیت جدید حقوق اکثر این کارگران از سی الی صد هزار تومان کاهش یافته و سقف اضافه کاری که در شرکت ها نامحدود بود به ۴۵ ساعت محدود شده است.

Mansour Osanloo survives attempt on his life in prison

Free Osanloo NOW!
Free Osanloo NOW!

The head of the Bus Drivers Union, Mansour Osanloo was assaulted on Monday by an inmate in Karaj’s Rajai-Shahr Prison.

RAHANA – Mansour Osanloo was assaulted today in Rajai-Shahr prison by an inmate who is said to be a former IRGC member. The inmate who was the attacker had the support and encouragement of prison guards. This is not the first time the union leader is attacked by other prisoners.

According to HRDAI, Osanloo was attacked from behind by an inmate who attempted to stab him, while he was talking to 2 fellow inmates in the prison courtyard. Oslanloo was saved and taken away by his friends’ swift reaction.

The attack happened in front of a prison guard called Hasanpour, and another individual, Moradi, who is the head of inmates in ward 4. Prison guards at first did not react to the attack but disarmed the attacker after other political prisoners who were present at the scene protested the guards’ inaction. The attacker continued to charge Osanloo even after he was disarmed and threatened to kill him later. He is said to have a history of provoking fights in prison and is convicted of killing his wife.

Osanloo has just come out of a 1-week solitary confinement. He was arrested in July of 2009 and sentenced to 5 years in prison for anti national security activities. He was illegally transferred to Rajai-Shahr prison in September of 2009.

From Freedom Messenger.

Workers’ Minimal Demands on the Occasion of the Thirty First Anniversary of the February 1979 Revolution

Struggle against the regime
Struggle against the regime

Four independent workers organizations have issued a communique honoring the thirty first anniversary of the 1979 revolution in Iran.  A translation is provided below:

Thirty-one years have passed since the February 1979 revolution.  At that time millions of Iranian people, full of hope for a better life, took to the streets in order to break the yoke of despotism and repression.  A nationwide strike lead by workers at the National Oil Company, the vanguard of the Iranian working class, shut down oil pipelines, ultimately tearing the despotic regime asunder. Masses of people chanted, “Our oil workers! Our resolute leader!” Power fell to the people.

February 11, 1979, a day that marks an end to despotism, is a day that calls forth unforgettable memories of men and women, young and old, who had grown tired of repression and injustice; people embraced one another in the streets, cried out with joy, and, with tears in their eyes, looked forward to a liberated future.

Now, thirty one years have passed since those glorious days full of enchantment and rebirth.  Yet, today the feelings of hope, enchantment, and glory, has been transformed into nothing but misery, destitution, unemployment, sub-poverty wages, and subsidies cuts—unbearable agony for millions of workers and wage earners.

Life continues. And, the Iranian people still have a burning desire for change. They have not lost their hope for life, their yearning for happiness, freedom, dignity.

Born of democratic struggle, strikes, protests, and the campaign to establish independent organizations on its behalf, the working class has fought for its right to survive. Many of us now sit in jail for attempting to organize the working class and build a better life.

But these jail cells do not mark the end of the road. We millions are the producers of wealth, the wheels of production. Society moves only because we move it. We have at our back the historical experience of the united and grand strike of the oil workers during the February revolution. Relying on this experience and the power of our millions we inspire the best and most humanistic aspirations of the 1979 revolution. Today, after thirty-one years, we present our minimal demands and call for immediate and unconditional realization of all of them:

1.  Unconditional recognition of independent workers organizations, the right to strikes, to organize protests, the freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, and freedom to associate with any political party.

2.  An immediate stop to all executions, and the immediate and unconditional release of labor and other political activists from jail.

3.  Immediate increase of the minimum wage based on workers input through their representatives in general workers assemblies.

4.  End to Subsidies Rationalization Plan and delayed wages of workers should be immediately paid without any excuses.

5.  Job security for workers and all wage earners, the end to all temporary contracts and blank signatures, removal of all government-run organizations in the work place, institution of new labor laws through direct participation of the workers in their general workers assemblies.

6.  Halt to all firings under any circumstances. Anyone expelled or at employment age must benefit from social security in line with human dignity.

7.  End of all discriminatory laws against women and insuring full and unconditional equality of women and men in all aspects of social, economic, political, cultural, and family affairs.

8.  Insuring all the retired with a life of welfare, devoid of economic anxieties, putting an end to all discriminatory payment practices, and allowing everyone to benefit from social and medical services.

9.  All children, irrespective of their parents’ economic and social status, gender, nationality, race, and religion, must be granted free and equal educational, welfare, and health care benefits.

10.  May 1st must be declared a national holiday and included in the official calendar; all legal restrictions on its celebration must be removed.

Tehran and Municipality Bus Workers Syndicate

Haft Tapeh Sugar Refinery Workers Syndicate

Free Assembly of Iranian Workers

Kermanshah Electrical and Metal Workers Guild


From Iran Labour Report

‘Reformist’ confusion stunts opposition protests

Yassamine Mather reports on the February 11 Revolution Day celebrations

Last week’s official celebrations of the February 1979 uprising that brought down the shah’s regime in Iran stood in total contrast to the events of 31 years ago.

The Islamic state’s lengthy preparations for the anniversary of the revolution included the arrest of hundreds of political activists, hanging two political prisoners (for “waging war on god”), and blocking internet and satellite communications. In addition, the government brought busloads of bassij paramilitaries and people from the provinces to boost the number of its supporters – it considers the majority of the 14 million inhabitants of Tehran to be opponents.

The 48-hour internet and satellite blackout was so comprehensive that the regime succeeded in stopping its own international press and media communications. On the morning of February 11 connections to Iran’s state news agency and Press TV were lost. Foreign press and media reporters found themselves confined to a platform next to where president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was speaking. Neighbouring streets and squares were barred to them. The bassij blocked all routes to Azadi Square by 9am and dispersed large crowds of oppositionists who had gathered at Ghadessiyeh Square and other intersections, preventing them reaching the official celebration.

From the speakers’ podium, surrounded by bassij and revolutionary guards, many of them dressed in military uniform, Ahmadinejad produced yet another fantastic claim. In the two days since his instruction to Iran’s nuclear industry to step up centrifuge-based uranium enrichment from 3% to 20%, this had already been achieved! Nuclear scientists are unanimous that such a feat is impossible.

Huge flags surrounded the Azadi Square podium and the official demonstration was dominated by military figures – typical of the kind of state-organised shows dictators such as the shah have always staged. The crude display of military power, together with the severe repression in the run-up to the anniversary, had nothing to do with the revolution it was supposed to commemorate.

In fact the events of February 11 2010 were the exact opposite of February 10-11 1979, when the masses took to the streets and attacked the repressive forces of the regime, when prison doors were broken down by the crowds and political prisoners released, when army garrisons were ransacked and the crowds took weapons to their homes and workplaces, when the central offices of Savak (the shah’s secret police) were occupied by the Fedayeen, and when airforce cadets turned their weapons against their superiors, paving the way for a popular uprising by siding with the revolution.

The show put on by our tinpot religious dictators was an insult to the memory of that uprising. Yet despite all the efforts and the mobilisation that had preceded the official demonstration, despite the fact that the confused and at times conciliatory messages of ‘reformist’ leaders had disarmed sections of the green movement, the regime could only muster 50,000 supporters. Meanwhile tens of thousands in Tehran and other cities took part in opposition protests – even in the streets close to Azadi Square despite the presence of large numbers of bassij. The protests were so loud that, according to Tehran residents, the state broadcast of Ahmadinejad’s speech had to be halted and instead TV stations showed the flags and crowds to the accompaniment of stirring music. Fearing that the bassij might not be able to control the protesters gathering in neighbouring squares, the government decided to start its extravagant ceremony early and then cut it short. So, despite only beginning at 10am, it had finished by 11.30.

Over the last few months there has been a lot of official nostalgia about the1979 revolution and ironically there are undoubtedly political parallels with the current situation – not least the fact that, just like Ahmadinejad and ‘supreme leader’ Ali Khamenei today, in February 79 ayatollah Khomeini was not on the side of the revolution. In the words of Mehdi Bazargan (Khomeini’s first prime minister), “they wanted rain and they got floods” (in other words, they wanted a smooth transfer of power, with the repressive, bureaucratic and executive organs of the royalist state left intact).

Yet the events of February 10-11 1979 shattered those hopes. No wonder the first official call by Khomeini, on the day the Islamic republic came into existence, was for people to hand over seized weapons to the army and police, for ‘order’ and for an end to strikes and demonstrations. From the very beginning religious clerics in Iran were an obstacle to revolution and for the last 31 years all factions of the Islamic Republic, including the ‘reformists’, have done their utmost to negate what was achieved with the bringing down of the shah’s regime.

Looking back at the events of 1979, in many ways it is amazing to think that a rather weak, confused and divided left managed to accomplish so much in such a short time. But for many Iranians of a different generation the current struggles are indeed the continuation of the same process – and many of them are determined to continue this struggle, however long it takes.

‘National unity’

Of course, if the anniversary of the revolution was not a good day for the government, the ‘reformist’ leaders of the green movement too had little to celebrate. Fearful of growing radicalisation, as witnessed by the Ashura protests in December, they spent most of January in both open and secret negotiations with the office of the supreme leader searching for a compromise.[1] Even though by early February it was clear that no deal was on the cards, they continued to issue confusing statements about how to approach the official celebrations.

Both Mehdi Karroubi and Mir-Hossein Moussavi implied that participation in the demonstration (official or otherwise) was important as a show of ‘national unity’. They condemned any attack on the bassij and other militia and repeated their declarations of allegiance to the Islamic Republic. Many of their supporters joined the official protests wearing no identifying colours and were therefore counted by the regime as supporters.

As always, the main problem with our ‘reformists’ is that by remaining loyal to the ‘supreme leader’,[2] by condemning the popular slogan, ‘Down with the Islamic regime’, they fail to understand the mood of those who have taken to the streets in protest. If for a while they were lagging behind the protests, today they no longer even understand the movement they claim to lead. That movement is adamant in its call for an end to the current religious state, an end to the rule of the vali faghih (Khamenei, whose ‘guardianship of the nation’ is supposed to represent god on earth) – the repeated shouts of ‘Death to the dictator’ are directed at the so-called ‘supreme leader’ himself.

The February 11 protests marked a setback for Moussavi and Karroubi – not just in terms of their politics, but also in their choice of tactics. First of all, it is foolhardy to organise demonstrations to coincide with the official calendar of events, as it allows the regime to plan repression well in advance. Secondly, it was absurd to call on people to join the regime’s demonstrations and, thirdly, opposition to a repressive dictatorship cannot simply rely on demonstrations. The state has unleashed its most brutal forces against street protesters, and we need to consider strikes and other acts of civil disobedience too.

A lot has been written by Persian bloggers about the ‘lack of charisma’ of Moussavi and Karroubi. However, the truth is their main problem is not personality, but dithering. This has cost them dear at a time when opposition to the regime in its entirety is growing, and the left can only benefit from this.

The anniversary of the revolution reminded Iranians of the slogans of the February 1979 uprising. The principal demands of the revolution were for freedom, independence and social justice (the ‘Islamic republic’ was a post-revolutionary constitutional formula imposed by the clergy). Thirty-one years later, no-one, not even the majority of Khomeini’s own supporters, who currently form the green leadership, claim there is any democracy in the militia-based monster of a state they helped to create.

Iran’s independence from foreign powers is also debatable. US hegemony might be in global decline, but in Iran, following America’s defeat in February 1979 and the subsequent US humiliation of the embassy hostage-taking in 1980, the last two and a half decades have seen a revival of US influence. As discussed in detail at the February 13 Hands Off the People of Iran day school in Manchester (see opposite), we can even see US influence during the Iran-Iraq war (Irangate and the purchase of US arms via Israel). In the late 1980s US policies of neoliberalism and the market economy dominated Iran’s financial and political scene and since 2001 the Iranian state has supported US military interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan.

On the issue of social justice, even though the previous regime’s downfall had a lot to do with class inequality, the Islamic version of capitalism has brought about much harsher conditions for the working class and the poor. The Islamic state’s own statistics show a constant growth in the gap between rich and poor. The impoverishment of the middle classes, the abject poverty of the working class, the destitution and hunger of the shantytown-dwellers – these are all reasons why the current protests continue in urban areas.

Crocodile tears

In the midst of all this internal conflict, Iranians face the continued threat of war and sanctions. On February 15 Hillary Clinton declared: “Iran is moving towards a military dictatorship.” Yet there is nothing new in the power and role of the revolutionary guards in Iran. Ever since 1979 they have been the single most important pillar of the religious state, involved in every aspect of political and military power. What is new is their involvement in capitalist ventures, empowered by the relentless privatisation plans driven by the International Monetary Fund and World Bank.

In recent years capitalists in Iran and elsewhere have complained about the revolutionary guards’ accumulation of vast fortunes through the acquisition of privatised capital – precisely the pattern seen in eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union and elsewhere. Those in power, often with direct connections to military and security forces, are in a position to purchase the newly privatised industries. That is the case with many US allies in the region, yet we have not heard the state department commenting about ‘creeping military dictatorships’ in those countries.

No doubt, as repression increases, Iranians’ hatred of the bassij and revolutionary guards will increase and they will respond to these forces as they did in the protests of late December and last week. However, they do not need the crocodile tears of the US administration – indeed interventions like those of Clinton and condemnations of the repression coming from the US and European countries tend to damage the protest movement inside Iran. After all, Iranians are well aware of the kind of ‘democratic havens’ created under US military occupation in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the last thing they want for their own country is regime change US-style.

It is difficult to predict how the opposition movement will develop, but those of us who have argued that the current protests have economic as well as political causes are in no doubt that we will witness many more street demonstrations, strikes and other forms of civil disobedience. The state is clearly gearing up for another round of repression and there is no sign that those arrested in the last few weeks will be released. Death sentences have been passed on a number of political prisoners, some of them arrested prior to the elections of June 2009 (some have been found guilty of the crime of participating in protests held while they were in prison!).

Even before the new wave of sanctions hits the country, the economic situation has worsened. Thousands of workers are about to lose their job following the bankruptcy declaration of the electricity and power authority last week. Hundreds of car workers – the elite of the Iranian working class – are being sacked every week. On the other hand, the involvement of the working class in the political arena has increased to such an extent that even the BBC Persian service admits we are witnessing a “qualitative change” in workers’ protests.[3]

Four workers’ organisations – the Syndicate of Vahed Bus Workers, the Haft Tapeh sugar cane grouping, the Electricity and Metal Workers Council in Kermanshah, and the Independent Free Union – have published a joint statement declaring their support for the mass protests and specifying what they call the minimum demands of the working class.[4] These include an end to executions, freedom of the press and media, the right to set up workers’ organisations, job security, an end to temporary ‘white contracts’, equality in terms of pay and conditions for women workers, abolition of all misogynist legislation, the declaration of May 1 as a public holiday with the right of workers to demonstrate and gather freely on that day, the expulsion of religious workers’ organisations, which act as spies, from workplaces …

Meanwhile, Tehran’s bus workers have issued a call for civil disobedience: “Starting March 6, we the workers of the Vahed company, will wage acts of civil disobedience … to protest the against the holding of Mansoor Osanloo in prison. We appeal to the Iranian people and to the democratic green movement to join us by creating a deliberate traffic jam in all directions leading to Valiasr Square.”[5]

Workers involved in setting up nationwide councils have issued a radical political statement regarding what they see as priority demands Iranian workers ought to raise at this stage. Emphasising the need to address the long-term political interests of the working class, they also call for unity based around immediate economic and political demands.

As the struggles in Iran enter a new stage, where the weakness of the ‘reformist’ leaders is causing despair amongst sections of the youth, and at a time when the US, Israel and now Saudi Arabia are issuing threats of direct military action and sanctions, the need for international solidarity is stronger than ever before.


  1. See ‘Reformists fear revolution’ Weekly Worker January 14.
  2. See, for example, ‘Karroubi accepts Ahmadinejad as Iran’s president’ The Daily Star (Lebanon), January 26.
  4. See

Statement from Socialist Students of the Universities in Iran on the anniversary of the revolution

Statement from Socialist Students of the Universities in Iran
In support of “European Students Union” and “Iranian Youth Network” for Europe-wide protests

Dear Comrades outside the borders of Iran!

At the anniversary of the Revolution of Bahman 1357 (February 1981), we are now witnessing the most unprecedented and inhumane violence against the Iranian people’s protests and movements, the people who after 31 years of poverty, murder, suppression and oppression have openly criticized and protested against the government which for all these years has violently denied their basic human and civil rights. This government not only has oppressed social movements such as movement of workers, students and women and political and social activists at various levels and stages, but has also invaded the private lives of ordinary people with devastating pressure and attacks.

We have witnessed in the past few months how this Islamic Capitalist Dictator government has attacked our people, whether they are men or women, young or old, in the streets, in horrific secret / underground prisons and have tortured them and kept them in detention under unthinkable conditions and situations.

We have witnessed how in recent months the chain of executions has increased and how numerous rings have been added to this chain. We have witnessed the unrealistic, theatrical-courts where arrested youth and students are forced to give confessions which are far from the truth and where they have been charged and sentenced to long-term prisons.

We believe these protests and campaigns will continue on its true path since it is based on a set of democratic and social demands which represent a vast majority of society i.e. the workers; students have always been an ally for the workers on this path to achieve their victory.

As it has been witnessed, in the past few months the student movement has experienced one of the most brilliant periods of its lifetime. It has been present through campaigns and protest and has not separated its demands from the people’s even for a moment.
The Iranian student movement has now been divided in two: half of it is in Iran and the other half is active outside the borders of Iran. In the past few months, the cohesion, cooperation and solidarity of the students outside the country has brought encouragement and hope for all student activists inside the country.

The call of “The European Union Students” and the “Iranian Youth Network” for Europe-wide protest to occur simultaneously with popular protests in Iranian cities on the 22nd of Bahman in order to oppose oppression, execution, torture, indiscriminate arrests, is another important step towards Alliance and Solidarity between our student movements inside and outside.
Therefore the Socialist Students of Universities in Iran while appreciating your efforts for this movement and other measures you take, announce their support.

Long live solidarity!
Long live the united struggle against the dictatorship!
Long live socialism!

Socialist Students of the Universities in Iran
February 2010 – Bahman 1388

Ansar-e-Hezbollah Attacks Students


Clashes erupt at the University of Science and Technology. 200 members of Ansar-e-Hezbollah were joined by Basiji students to beat protesting students.


There was a clash on February 6th in Tehran between the University of Science and Technology students and supporters of the regime. Students initiated a general strike around 2:00pm. The chant, “Down with the Islamic Republic” was heard. After the students returned to their dormitories, the 200 members of Ansar-e-Hezbollah and Basiji students attacked approximately 600 students with tear gas and electric batons.

The students chanted: “Down with Dictator,” “Damned Ahmadi, you are a disgrace to Elm-o-Sanat [University],” and “Down with the Basij mercenaries.”

Four of the Basijis were identified as Nima Ebrahimi (third year student), Seyed Mehdi Mahdian (third year student), Reza Mousapour, and Seyed Sajjad Khansari.

It was reported that at least three students were thrown out of dormitory windows. 20 students were taken to an unknown location, while several other students had their identification cards confiscated.

The university was in a virtual lock-down by Ansar-e-Hezbollah, and cell phone communication was purportedly blocked.

This report is sent over the internet by a resident student who witnessed the incident.

Translation by: Siavash Sartipi
Edited by: Jim

خبر فوری: درگیری شبانه در دانشگاه علم و صنعت

امشب، 17 بهمن ماه، حوالی ساعت 21:30، خوابگاه کوی بسیج در انتهای دانشگاه علم و صنعت، شاهد درگیری های مزدوران انصار حزب الله و بسیجی با دانشجویان بود.

دانشجویان دانشکده علوم پایه از حوالی ساعت 14 تحصن کرده بودند. این دانشجویان بعد از نهار ظروف غذایشان را تا در ساختمان ریاست دانشگاه چیده بودند و بعد از آن پایکوبان و با شعار مرگ بر جمهوری اسلامی به سمت دانشکده علوم پایه رفته بودند. بعد از بازگشت دانشجویان به خوابگاه در حوالی ساعت 21:30 بانگ الله اکبر سراسر دانشگاه و خوابگاه را فرا گرفت. از بلوک 4 دود و صدای فریاد دیده و شنیده می شد. در محوطه خوابگاه حدود 200 نفر از مزدوران انصار (؟ با لباس یشمی تیره بدون نقش) مشغول کتک زدن حدود 600 نفر از دانشجویان بودند. دانشجویان بسیجی هم به کمک مزدوران آمده بودند که نام های برخی از آنان عبارت است از: نیما ابراهیمی (ورودی 85)، سید مهدی مهدیان (ورودی 85)، رضا موسی پور و سید سجاد خونساری. آن ها در حالی که چراغ های محوطه را خاموش کرده بودند، با گاز اشک آور و باتوم برقی وحشیانه دانشجویان را می زدند. در این حال دانشجویان شعار های مرگ بر دیکتاتور، احمدی لعنتی ننگ علم و صنعتی و مرگ بر بسیجی جیره خور می دادند. مزدوران دست کم 3 نفر از دانشجویان را از پنجره به بیرون پرتاب کردند و بعد هم از بهداری دانشگاه آن ها را به همراه 10 الی 20 نفر دیگر به مکانی نامعلوم بردند. کارت های دانشجویی برخی از دانشجویان را نیز گرفته اند.

تا نیمه شب همچنان تمام درب های دانشگاه و خوابگاه محاصره است و اجازه خروج به کسی نمی دهند. تلفن های همراه نیز قطع هستند.

خبر از طریق اینترنت از یکی از دانشجویان که خود این صحنه ها را از نزدیک دیده است و در خوابگاه به سر می برد، گرفته شده است.

( خبر از حامیان قاصدان آزادی )

ساعت 1:00 نیمه شب به وقت ایران

Nine detainees to be executed in upcoming hours

In the run up to the anniversary of the Iranian revolution the besieged and crisis ridden regime is seeking to scare the popular movement off the streets by publicly executing those who have fought against the theocratic regime. This report comes from the website Persian2English:

Nine detainees are likely to be executed in the upcoming hours

Hanover Solidarity Center: According to latest reports from Iran, nine detainees are expected to be executed today and tomorrow in Enghelab Square.

Iranian government had announced plans for executing the nine detainees on February 2, 2010.

More information on this news to follow.

هشدار؛ احتمال اعدام چند از بازداشت شدگان در ساعات آینده

کانون همبستگی هانوفر: بر اساس اطلاعات رسیده از ایران قرار شده است ظرف امروز و فردا 9 نفری را که به اعدام محکوم کردند درمیدان انقلاب به دار بیاویزند لطفا در این زمینه اطلاع رسانی کنید

M.R. Shalgouni: The current situation in Iran and our tasks (Sweden)

Our tasks
Our tasks

As part of Hands Off the People of Iran’s ‘Week of Action’ supporters of HOPI and Rahe Kargar in Sweden have organised these meeting on the tasks at hand for revolutionaries with regards to Iran. The meetings will be in Farsi

Meetings with Mohamad Reza Shalgouni

The current situation in Iran and our tasks

M.R. Shalgouni is a member of the Organisation of Revolutionary workers of Iran (Rahe Kargar)

Stockholm – Saturday 13thFeb 2010 – 13.00pm -16.00pm SVEA.41 ABF

Malmo –  19thFeb 2010 – 18.00pm -22.00pm – In the building of Iran-Sweden Association –Ystadvägen 44, MALMÖ

Gotenberg- Sunday 21stFeb 2010 – 14.00pm -21.00pmFolkets Hus GBG

 Organised by Organisation Revolutionary workers of Iran (Rahe Kargar)-Sweden and Hands Off People of Iran




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رضا شالگونی





از کادرهای سازمان



پیرامون : اوضاع سیاسی ایران ووظایف ما در قبال شرایط موجود
استکهلم : روز شنبه ۱۳ فوریه ۲۰۱۰ ساعت ۱۳ الی ۱۶در SVEAV.41 – ABF
مالمو : روز جمعه ۱۹ فوریه از ساعت ۱۸ الی ۲۲ در محل انجمن ایران و سوئد واقع در Ystadvägen 44, MALMÖ
گوتنبرگ : روز یکشنبه ۲۱فوریه از ساعت ۱۶ الی ۲۱ در سالن اجتماعات Folkets Hus GBG میدان یرن توریت
برگزار کننده : سازمان کارگران انقلابی ایران (راه کارگر )- سوئد



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کارگران انقلابی ایران (راه کارگر